At recent the Reform party media events, two very distinctive figures can often be seen in the front row: the pale hair of party policy chief Danny Kruger and the styled blond hair of James Orr.
As well as guiding the policy programme for what could be the UK’s next government, the pair have something else in common. Each is a deeply committed Christian who came to religion in later life, and possess trenchant views on matters of society such as abortion and the family.
The MP Kruger, who defected from the Conservatives, and Orr, a university scholar, are members of the steering committee of a conservative policy group known as the Alliance for Responsible Citizenship.
A further participant is the financier Paul Marshall, the investment tycoon who controls GB News and the conservative Spectator magazine. He is also a practising Christian.
“Religion, specifically evangelical Christianity, has in recent decades been a key characteristic of American conservative politics,” its followers providing the core of Donald Trump’s support.
There are some links. Orr is sufficiently close to JD Vance that he has hosted him at his private residence. Orr is also involved in the NatCon movement, which has connections to the US religious-populism world.
However, direct parallels soon fall down due to a simple matter of numbers. While surveys indicate that close to a quarter of US adults are evangelical Christians, the figure for the UK is roughly one-tenth of that at most.
There is another important factor to take into account. While US evangelicals lean firmly to the political right, new polling by the UK’s Evangelical Alliance suggests that the broader situation in Britain is quite different.
A poll of nearly 1,500 evangelicals shows Labour in the first place with 26% support. Reform and the Liberal Democrats are level on 20%, with the Conservatives on 18%.
Other questions reveal support among evangelicals for more generous welfare payments, but also significant concern about plans to permit assisted dying.
“Among evangelicals there can be a dissonance between opinions, especially on social issues, and how people vote,” said one advocacy head. “For example, someone might have a strong opinion on abortion, but they do not view voting as likely to lead to change.”
Evangelism is present in parliament, including cross-party prayer group meetings. But it is a phenomenon present on the left, with figures like Kruger countered by the Lib Dem Tim Farron and the Labour Party Member of Parliament Rachael Maskell.
She has been explicit about how her beliefs shapes her politics, especially concerning issues such as economic disadvantage.
“Ethical fairness was ‘a big part’ of Labour politics,” Maskell argued. “It’s part of our foundations, how we think about disparity in society, making sure we have a just system.”
There is, however a different and newer side to religion in UK politics, one more closely modelled on US concepts of faith-based nationalism.
The activist Tommy Robinson has begun to present himself as openly a Christian, although much of this is done as a counterpoint to Islam.
In a similar vein, Nick Tenconi, who leads the UK outpost of Turning Point, posts social media messaging about the country needing to “return to Christ” alongside anti-Muslim content.
In a dramatic manifestation of this, a linked Christian nationalist group named King’s Army marched in formation through Soho, a location apparently selected as it is the centre of London’s LGBT community.
These elements remain, however, relatively marginal in UK politics. While critics sometimes portray certain figures as wealthy incubators of US-style evangelism, friends insist they are simply observant believers who are strongly opposed to any political exploitation of faith.
He has been not shy of sometimes unconventional rhetoric, for example in an address to censure what he said was a younger generation indoctrinated by a mix of ideologies.
“Here in Britain you do have some Christian nationalists, but when it comes to politics it tends to be a sort of longing for a Christian past, linked to our historical character,” said one commentator.
One Christian MP with conservative views noted that while the issue of assisted dying had united MPs with faith, any links beyond that felt restricted.
“I certainly don’t get the sense of much of an organized faith-based lobby,” they said. “For me, my faith is more a basis for what I personally hold. And here, religion is not particularly a decisive electoral issue.”